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of government and that our impression is that the presidency, the foreign ministry, the other agencies of egypt have worked together cohesively with in relation to hamas and to israel to try to bring about a ceasefire. so we have to support their efforts. >> dr. julian lewis. >> does the foreign secretary agree that the greater stride towards peace was when president sadat signed the treaty between egypt and israel, and does he, therefore, share my disappointment of the statement recently by president morrissey of -- morsi of egypt that the president situation is an act of aggression solely by the israelis? >> well, while that statement is different from what he or i might say about the origins of this, nevertheless, i hope my honorable friend will bear in mind the answer i gave to the previous question about the very constructive role being played by egypt. my experience and the prime minister's experience in meeting president morsi is that he wants a peaceful future for his country, he has not turned against the peace treaty with israel. he knows the importance of now building up the economy
us back to the middle east that we used the to know the arabs and israelis going at it and egypt being -- [inaudible] but right before that iran saw its fortunes decline, its popularity in the arab streets declined because of the arab spring, and then the syrian situation introduced a very, very important element, almost sectarian element, that eroded iranian influence in the region and the projection of iranian power hit a brick wall with that. so all of this, of course, goes into the mix of what iran is thinking. and this is one of the reasons. this is a good time to start negotiating with iran as its reach in the middle east seems to be not what it used to be, it's not as soft power, superpower, nor is it a hard power superpower in the renal payoff the situation -- in the region because of the situation in lebanon and syria. p lebanon is really the coming disaster, and syria is the disaster that we're dealing with right now. so, of course, all of this will go on. and if i were american, i would say this is exactly the right time to go into this. the presidential elections are
will not willfully step aside as we saw in tunisia, egypt and even in yemen. and i would argue probably is not amenable to any sort of negotiated solution. the second constant is that the opposition has been perpetually divided, fragmented, unable to coalesce around a unifying vision of a post-assad syria. we've seen divisions among the external opposition, we've seen divisions inside syria, we've seen divisions among the arms groups, divisions based on ideology, divisions based on patrons and so forth. and the third factor is that the international community has remained at a stalemate, has been unable to reach a consensus on how to move forward in syria. we've seen three security council vetoes by russia and china causing many to call the u.n., essentially, ineffective in this crisis. so it's been the interplay of these three factors, i would argue, that has led syria down the path that it has taken. in terms of u.s. policy, u.s. policy is based on the objective of having assad, as president obama called for, step aside. this was back in august of 2011. the problem with u.s. policy is
've had three years. it a dramatic circumstances in egypt and libya and tunisia. they are working on syria. you could point to example in bahrain, for example, not moving as fast. but is pretty difficult to flip the switch and light change every country in a matter of days. part of the obama philosophy, which is very interesting is trying to find what is pragmatically possible in this area that does not get america can't in the trap of unnecessary war, and quite my. so you these two examples of each ability which are most striking. here you have in egypt, you know, people on the streets clearly in opposition to the dictator there. there are plenty of examples, for example, was senior, a wink and a nod trying to crack down team and. bush junior, a wink and a nod to crack down there. around the '50s of course, lots of examples where we tell folks, bush senior in iraq killing saddam if you want to crack down on the sheet, so be it, will not get involved. that's the typical which can do. for bush to go to my work and say you do get political governor, you don't get the crackdown. you are not g
the networks in a very meaningful way. p.j. talked about what we found we look out egypt adhere to everything that was going on. people, you know, all over governments here were likely to we talk to? whose important? here's the scoop. right now industry there's nobody who can raise their hand and so i can identify who was the leader of egyptian revolution, because there wasn't one. it was coalition's ever-changing coalitions of interest moving. as you look at the social media map you see that there was no one leader. so we have got, we as a government and, frankly, governments everywhere have got to figure out to do that, how did he get into that marketplace of ideas. one of the things that we did, not surprising with my background, i was very focused on consumer research, understand what was going on. one of the things i found it in government, we spent a lot of time, hundreds of millions of dollars, looking at economic elites, political elites in others, looking through different lenses. if you just look at it that way, you don't look at it to a more classic consumer lens, then if you are a
, interconnected. hamas is testing israel. israel is testing egypt. there's more uncertainty than ever about syria, its relationship with iran, whether it can hold lebanon together, what is hezbollah doing now that its backers are in their own fights inside syria. the evolving role of qatar and saudi arabia, and turkey playing a role. it's enormous. of anything at the security conference, this is probably the least secure discussion there is. i'm reminded of bob dylan's favorite song, "along the watchtower," and that should be our anthem this morning. there must be a way out of here so let's aim for some relief and less confusion, and i want to propose the following format just for the beginning of this panel, and then i think i want to open it up to a lot of questions from the floor because i'm there are a lot of questions swimming in your head. i'd like to propose our panelists talk about the flow of the situation right now, especially in syria. the what if scenarios. we'll spend a little bit of time on, and then their recommendations and context and perspective on greater security in the region
Search Results 0 to 5 of about 6